None address law formation processes systematically. Specifically, studies on socio-legal aspects of bestiality are scant (for exceptions see Lowe, 2016 Beirne, 2009). First, there is a growing prevalence of antibestiality legislation in the US, but there is a lack of research related to it (Holoyda & Newman, 2014). New legislation also made it illegal to videotape sex with animals under animal cruelty laws (Sullivan, 2006a).
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On March 1, 2006, bestiality became a Class C felony punishable by up to five years in prison and a $10,000 fine. With the encouragement of State Senator Pam Roach and animal rights organizations, that would change less than a year after Pinyan’s death.
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However, they could only charge him with misdemeanor trespassing because bestiality was legal in the state of Washington (Sullivan, 2005b). Prosecutors sought to charge him for crimes involving bestiality. The police found videotapes showing sex acts with animals on his property. The coroner deemed the death accidental, but police focused on Tait. Local law enforcement officials quickly linked him to the death and located the farm where the parties occurred (Mudede, 2015 Sullivan, 2005a).
#Bestiality sex license
A security camera recorded Tait’s arrival and his license plate number. Medical personnel could not find a pulse and attempts to revive Pinyan failed. Tait drove to the emergency room at a community hospital in Enumclaw, dropped off Pinyan, and fled the scene. Early the next morning, Pinyan announced he needed medical assistance.
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Air entered his body cavity and created severe pain (Brown & Rasmussen, 2010 Mudede, 2006). When the horse penetrated him, it tore his colon. Tait successfully had sex with the horse, but Pinyan did not. There they located an Arabian stallion the group called “Big Dick” (Anderson, 2005). Pinyan’s horse refused to participate, so he and two other members of the group, including the owner of the farm James Tait, trespassed onto a neighbor’s farm. He was into the “fisting scene” and “had this large device he liked to keep inside of him because it would wiggle around and remind him internally he had feelings” (Devor & Mudede, 2007, p. A regular at the parties stated that Pinyan’s affinity for inserting large objects into himself was nothing strange. His preference was to have the animal penetrate him.
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On July 1, 2005, Pinyan came to the farm to have sex with a horse he kept there. It would also facilitate the development of a new bestiality law (McGanney, 2007 Mudede, 2015). His story would bring King County, more specifically the town of Enumclaw, into the national spotlight. One member of the group was Kenneth Pinyan, a Boeing engineer. They also had sex with animals (Devor & Mudede, 2007). When the friends gathered at the farm around 50 miles south of Seattle, Washington, they would watch movies, engage in conversation, eat, and drink. In the mid-2000s in the northwest United States, a group of friends who connected online would meet at a farm in rural King County for parties. It also considers the possibility of adding structural ritualization perspectives to the integrative model. The article concludes with recommendations for future research on law formation processes, such as including technological advancements as an essential structural foundation. The research specifically uses the circumstances surrounding the death of Kenneth Pinyan, and the subsequent Enumclaw horse sex scandal that took place in the summer of 2005, to support the idea that bestiality law can emerge due to specific factors: structural foundations, perceptions of crime and public demands for punishment, and triggering events. With qualitative findings from a media content study including newspaper articles, a documentary transcript, and a variety of online data sources, it explores the dynamics behind the formation of bestiality law in the state of Washington. This article examines the social construction of bestiality law in the United States using the Integrative Conflict Model of law formation.